Whither Pakistan!
Farooq Sulehria
'Whither
Pakistan?'. This is a question now a days repeatedly raised in media
globally in the wake of high-profile suicidal attacks in last two weeks.
It was not the deadly suicidal attacks in Frontier province that
triggered a global panic. Such attacks have become a business-as-usual
headline. According to Pakistan's leading daily Dawn, 280 Taliban
attacks in last two years have claimed 2200 lives. It was rather less
bloody but highly symbolic fidayee assault on jealously guarded army
headquarters, GHQ, on October 10 that has traumatised all and sundry.
A coordinated
attack on October 15 in Lahore, country's second largest town, on three
police facilities only reinforced the sense of insecurity. The
government decision on October 20, following a suicidal attack on
International Islamic University in capital Islamabad, to close down
schools and colleges across Pakistan have served to spread further
panic. Scared citizens, particularly in big town, are not daring step
out of their homes unless necessary. Traders are complaining a sharp
decline in the number of customers.
Commentators in
Pakistan media have interpreted recent spate of attacks as last-ditch,
desperate attempt by Taliban to forestall a military operation in South
Waziristan, Taliban's last fortification. If that indeed was the
Taliban's intention, these attacks have proved counter-productive. On 17
October, long-awaited military offensive in South Waziristan was
launched. Aided by fighter jets and gunship helicopters, 30,000
Pakistani troops have been pitched against 10,000 Taliban. Military
spokesperson, Major General Atthar Abbas says army would flush Taliban
out of South Waziristan in six to eight weeks.
Will military
succeed? Before answering this question, we first need to define
success. If the aim is to secure South Waziristan, army will succeed. If
the purpose is to eliminate Taliban, the answer is NO. Army busy bombing
militants in South Waziristan, earlier in Swat, patronises them in
Punjab and other parts of the country. The Waziristan offensive is a
selective operation against Taliban gone out of army's control. They are
in army's view: ''Bad Taliban''. Those fighting US-forces in Afghanistan
need not worry. They are ''Good Taliban''. Similarly, outfits like Jaish-e-Muhammad
and Laskar-e-Tayyaba, built by Pakistan army to bleed India in Kashmir,
keep enjoying impunity. Jihadi infrastructure, comprising of Maskars
(militants' training camps) and Madrassas (Quran schools), is not being
dismantled. A section of Pakistani press has repeatedly exposed
military-Taliban nexus.
The Pakistani
media dominated by religious right, however, have in general been
sympathetic to Taliban and until recently would glorify Taliban as
Pashtoon resistance force fighting back US imperialism. Taliban are, on
the contrary, seen by most of Pashtoons in Pakistan as a threat to
Pashtoon culture, economy, progress and peace. Unlike some leftists and
Islamists portraying Taliban as resistance force, Pashtoons in Pakistan
ask why Taliban are slaughtering locals or bombing their schools if they
want to liberate Afghanistan? The Pashtoons don't want to grow beards,
give up dance or music and stop sending their girls to schools for the
''liberation of Afghanistan'' Taliban want to bring. As a matter of
fact, the destruction of economy, bombing of schools depriving 100000
girls of education or other absurd actions in the name of Sharia have
rendered Taliban extremely unpopular.
That Taliban have
lost sympathy is evident from the fact that country's Islamist or
right-wing parties as well as columnists or popular talk-show hosts,
once used to extol Taliban, now find it impossible to defend Taliban's
mindless violence. Few even have turned against Taliban. Others hide
behind conspiracy theories (blaming India and the USA, even Israel).
But mass support
or public image is not Taliban's vexation. They are not doing an
election campaign. They are a band of charged up zealots engaged in what
they believe is Jihad. Thus, rising or sinking Taliban popularity does
not explain the strength of Taliban phenomenon. It is poverty, state
patronage, aggressive US intervention in the region and petro-dollars
that stoke Taliban militancy. Every year tens of thousands graduate from
Quran schools. A sizeable number of these graduates-in-fanaticism are
ready to blow themselves up for the cause. The Quran schools keep
breeding Taliban (that literally means students of Quran schools). These
schools constitute the real threat.
Are
they a threat to Pakistan's nuclear plants too? In the presence of
half-million-strong standing army, it seems highly unlikely. The only
,least likely, possibility is that General Kayani (military chief) is
overthrown in a coup by radical Islamist officers who seize control of
the country's nuclear weapons. These Islamists within military, however,
stand hardly any chance owing to their growing isolation inside junior
ranks. Also, the military leadership, busy mending its image badly
tarnished under Musharraf dictatorship, will not go for a coup any time
soon. The state will manage to stem present tide of suicidal attacks.
The ruling class won't hand the state over to a band of fanatics on a
plate. But Pakistan will remain in a civil war-like situation. (ends)
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